Hunting and Nuclear Families

  title={Hunting and Nuclear Families},
  author={Kristen Hawkes and James F. O'connell and Nicholas G. Blurton Jones},
  journal={Current Anthropology},
  pages={681 - 709}
Hadza hunter-gatherers display economic and social features usually assumed to indicate the dependence of wives and children on provisioning husbands and fathers. The wives and children of better Hadza hunters have been found to be better-nourished, consistent with the assumption that men hunt to provision their families. Yet, as is common among foragers, the Hadza share meat widely. Analyses of meat-sharing data confirm that little of the meat from large prey went to the hunters own household… 
Household and Kin Provisioning by Hadza Men
Family provisioning is a more viable explanation for why good hunters are preferred as husbands and have higher fertility than others, and a model of the relationship between hunting success and household food consumption indicates that the best hunters provided 3–4 times the amount of food to their families than median or poor hunters.
To the hunter go the spoils? No evidence of nutritional benefit to being or marrying a well-reputed Hadza hunter.
The absence of an association between hunting reputation and nutritional status is consistent with generalized food sharing and adds to a substantial corpus of existing research that identifies few nutritional advantages to being or marrying a well-reputed Hadza hunter.
More Lessons from the Hadza about Men’s Work
Two studies are compared, similarities are identified, and it is shown that emphasis on big game results in collective benefits that would not be supplied if men foraged mainly to provision their own households, with implications for hypotheses about the deeper past.
Hunting, social status and biological fitness
Despite the impression that most of the benefits that accrue to good hunters are in the form of extra‐marital mating opportunities, it is argued instead that most benefits may be gained within rather than outside marital unions.
Fathers' Roles in Hunter-Gatherer and Other Small-Scale Cultures
HIS CHAPTER SUMMARIZES and evaluates recent research on the roles of fathers in child development in hunting-gathering (also known as foragers), simple farming, and pastoral (i.e., heavy reliance on
Why Women Hunt
An old anthropological theory ascribes gender differences in hunter‐gatherer subsistence to an economy of scale in household economic production: women pursue child‐care‐compatible tasks and men, of
Why do men marry and why do they stray?
Using data on men's extramarital sexual relationships among Tsimane forager–horticulturists in lowland Bolivia, it is found thatTsimane men appear to be biasing the timing of their affairs to when they are younger and have fewer children, supporting the provisioning model.
Cooperative breeding in South American hunter–gatherers
  • K. Hill, A. Hurtado
  • Biology, Medicine
    Proceedings of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences
  • 2009
Demographic and food acquisition data show that most breeding pairs can expect food deficits owing to foraging luck, health disabilities and accumulating dependency ratio of offspring in middle age, and that extra-pair provisioning may be essential to the evolved human life history.
Family and Group Dynamics in a Pastoralist Society
How people survive and behave in different environment are some questions that Human Behavior Ecology seeks to answer. The choices that humans make in such conditions can either be considering


Hadza meat sharing.
Paternal effect on offspring survivorship among Ache and Hiwi hunter-gatherers: implications for modeling pair-bond stability.
The Northern Ache of Paraguay with approximately 600 individuals were settled as agricultural farmers in several reservations between 1971 and 1978. The Hiwi are hunter-gatherers of Southwestern
Hunting income patterns among the Hadza: big game, common goods, foraging goals and the evolution of the human diet.
  • K. Hawkes, J. O'connell, N. Jones
  • Geography, Medicine
    Philosophical transactions of the Royal Society of London. Series B, Biological sciences
  • 1991
Experimental data is reported showing that hunters would reduce their mean rates if they included small animals in the array they target, and finding that an exclusive focus on large game with extensive sharing is not the optimal strategy for hunters concerned with maximizing their own chances of eating meat.
Hadza Children's Foraging: Juvenile Dependency, Social Arrangements, and Mobility among Hunter-Gatherers
The assumption that children of mobile foragers provide little of their own food is a common and important (if often implicit) element of many arguments about major developments in human prehistory,
Showing off: Tests of an hypothesis about men's foraging goals
Food Transfers Among Hiwi Foragers of Venezuela: Tests of Reciprocity
Although food sharing has been observed in many traditional societies, we still do not have a deep understanding of how various ecological conditions produce variation in who gives and who receives
Foraging Returns of !Kung Adults and Children: Why Didn't !Kung Children Forage?
Children of the hunting and gathering !Kung San seldom foraged, especially during the long dry season. In contrast, children of Hadza foragers in Tanzania often forage, in both wet and dry seasons.
Cooperative Reproduction in Ituri Forest Hunter‐Gatherers: Who Cares for Efe Infants?1
To document alloparenting among the 18 Efe camps of the Ituri Forest in the northeastern Democratic Republic of Congo data were collected between January 1988 and October 1989. The focal subject
Plant-animal subsistence ratios and macronutrient energy estimations in worldwide hunter-gatherer diets.
This analysis showed that whenever and wherever it was ecologically possible, hunter-gatherers consumed high amounts (45-65% of energy) of animal food, which produces universally characteristic macronutrient consumption ratios in which protein is elevated at the expense of carbohydrates.