Adjective Agreement in Noon: Evidence for a Split Theory of Noun-Modifier Concord∗

Abstract

This paper is concerned with the following question: Are all instances of agreement in language derived by the same grammatical mechanism? I approach this question from the point of view of DP-internal head-modifier agreement, henceforth nominal concord. In the recent literature, there have been two broad approaches to nominal concord. Many researchers attempt to unify subject-predicate agreement and nominal concord under the umbrella of Agree in the syntax proper (Baker 2008, Carstens 2011, 2013, Danon 2011, Toosarvandani& vanUrk 2012). Another position, advocated for recently by Norris (2014), takes concord to operate in the morphological component. His approaches splits nounmodifier concord from subject-predicate agreement derived by Agree. The accounts differ in the details of where the operation that derives nominal concord is located in the grammar and whether or not a single operation is responsible for both subject-predicate agreement and nominal concord. However, they do share a fundamental: all instances of nominal concord are derived by a single grammatical operation, be that Agree or something else. I show that a view in which all instances of nominal concord are derived by a single mechanism is untenable. I do this by drawing on data from Noon, a Cangin language spoken in Senegal. Adjectives in Noon exhibit two types of agreement with the noun they modify. All adjectives take a concord prefix which reflects the class (gender and number) of the modified noun. In addition to this, a definite suffix occurs on attributive adjectives

Extracted Key Phrases

Cite this paper

@inproceedings{Baier2015AdjectiveAI, title={Adjective Agreement in Noon: Evidence for a Split Theory of Noun-Modifier Concord∗}, author={Nico Baier and Peter Jenks and Boris Harizanov}, year={2015} }