Karen Jesney

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Harmonic Grammar (HG) is a model of linguistic constraint interaction in which well-formedness is calculated as the sum of weighted constraint violations. We show how linear programming algorithms can be used to determine whether there is a weighting for a set of constraints that fits a set of linguistic data. The associated software package OT-Help(More)
2 1. Introduction Foreign accent, as an identifying aspect of nonnative speech, has been widely discussed in both the theoretical and pedagogical literature. Still, the elements that contribute to the perception of foreign accent, and, indeed, the objective characteristics of it, remain ill defined. With this in mind, numerous studies have sought to(More)
1. Background In most OT work on variation, the output is made to vary from utterance to utterance by varying the constraint ranking (cf. Coetzee 2006). Two ways of doing this: • Specific constraint values are selected from a normal distribution around a mean with each iteration of EVAL • A full ranking consistent with a partially-stratified hierarchy is(More)
We show that a class of cases that has been previously studied in terms of learning of abstract phonological underlying representations (URs) can be handled by a learner that chooses URs from a contextually conditioned distribution over observed surface representations. We implement such a learner in a Maximum Entropy version of Optimality Theory, in which(More)
In the Optimality-Theoretic learnability and acquisition literature it has been proposed that certain classes of constraints must be biased toward particular rankings (e.g., Markedness >> IO-Faithfulness; Specific IO-Faithfulness >> General IO-Faithfulness). While sometimes difficult to implement efficiently or comprehensively, these biases are necessary to(More)
  • Muhammad Abdurrahman, Anisa Schardl, Martin Walkow Amherst, Ma, Glsa, Karen Jesney +7 others
  • 2008
1. Overview This paper investigates a class of restrictive intermediate stages that emerge during L1 phonological acquisition, and argues that these stages are naturally accounted for within a gradual learning model that uses weighted constraints. The particular type of pattern of interest here – Intermediate Faithfulness (IF) stages – involves the(More)
1. Introduction In the Optimality Theoretic learnability and acquisition literature it has been frequently argued that certain classes of constraints must be biased toward high ranking. These biases have two primary motivations: allowing the restrictive intermediate stages attested in acquisition to emerge, and ensuring that restrictive final-state grammars(More)