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2004 iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS When I met Ed Stabler I was electrified by the types questions that he was asking of linguistic theories and even more so by the fact that he seemed to have an idea of how to answer those questions. Without his insight and generous assistance this dissertation would not have been written. I have also been extremely lucky to have(More)
The topic of the syntax-phonology interface is broad, encompassing different submodules of grammar and interactions of these. This chapter addresses one fundamental aspect of the syntax-phonology interface in detail: the relation between syntactic constituency and the prosodic constituent domains for sentence-level phonological and phonetic phenomena. Two(More)
Given a constraint set with k constraints in the framework of Optimality Theory (OT), what is its capacity as a classification scheme for linguistic data? One useful measure of this capacity is the size of the largest data set of which each subset is consistent with a different grammar hypothesis. This measure is known as the Vapnik-Chervonenkis dimension(More)
This paper explores the relative merits of constraint ranking versus weighting in the context of a major outstanding learnability problem in phonology: learning in the face of hidden structure. Specifically, the paper examines a well-known approach to the structural ambiguity problem, Robust Interpretive Parsing (RIP; Tesar and Smolensky 1998), focusing on(More)
A phonological or morphophonological process is optional if it need not apply to every instance of its structural description. For example, French has an optional process that deletes schwa in the context V(#)C___ (Dell 1970). Application of this process to an input such as /a! vi#d!#t!#bat"/ (tu as) envie de te battre '(you) feel like fighting' results in(More)