Jason Riggle

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The topic of the syntax-phonology interface is broad, encompassing different submodules of grammar and interactions of these. This chapter addresses one fundamental aspect of the syntax-phonology interface in detail: the relation between syntactic constituency and the prosodic constituent domains for sentence-level phonological and phonetic phenomena. Two(More)
2004 iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS When I met Ed Stabler I was electrified by the types questions that he was asking of linguistic theories and even more so by the fact that he seemed to have an idea of how to answer those questions. Without his insight and generous assistance this dissertation would not have been written. I have also been extremely lucky to have(More)
This paper explores the relative merits of constraint ranking versus weighting in the context of a major outstanding learnability problem in phonology: learning in the face of hidden structure. Specifically, the paper examines a well-known approach to the structural ambiguity problem, Robust Interpretive Parsing (RIP; Tesar and Smolensky 1998), focusing on(More)
Few notions in phonological theory have received as much attention in the literature as opacity. In the almost 40 years since Kiparsky (1971, 1976) offered the defi nition given in (1), the bulk of the attention paid to opacity has been relatively recent and has been fueled by the fi eld’s massive (but incomplete) shift from the rule-based serialism(More)
In Optimality Theory, a contender is a candidate that is optimal under some ranking of the constraints. When the candidate generating function Gen and all of the constraints are rational (i.e., representable with (weighted) finite state automata) it is possible to generate the entire set of contenders for a given input form in much the same way that optima(More)
Given a constraint set with k constraints in the framework of Optimality Theory (OT), what is its capacity as a classification scheme for linguistic data? One useful measure of this capacity is the size of the largest data set of which each subset is consistent with a different grammar hypothesis. This measure is known as the Vapnik-Chervonenkis dimension(More)
This paper introduces serial Harmonic Grammar, a version of Optimality Theory (OT; Prince and Smolensky 1993/2004) that reverses two of Prince and Smolensky’s basic architectural decisions. One is their choice of constraint ranking over the numerically weighted constraints of its predecessor, Harmonic Grammar (HG; Legendre, Miyata and Smolensky 1990; see(More)
This paper offers a study of vowel harmony in Finnish as an example of how information theoretic concepts can be employed in order to better understand the nature of phonological structure. The probability assigned by a phonological model to corpus is used as a means to evaluate how good such a model is, and information theoretic methods allow us to(More)