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- Attilio Favro, Lyn Frazier, Kathryn Flack, Michael Becker, Shigeto Kawahara, Tim Beechey +27 others
- 2006

Idsardi (2006) claims that Optimality Theory (OT; Prince and Smolen-sky 1993, 2004) is " in general computationally intractable " on the basis of a proof adapted from Eisner (1997a). We take issue with this conclusion on two grounds. First, the intractability result holds only in cases where the constraint set is not fixed in advance (contra usual… (More)

- Benjamin Schmeiser, Vineeta Chand, Ann Kelleher, Angelo Rodriguez, Jason Riggle
- 2004

- Teal Bissell Doggett, Alec Marantz, MASSACHUSETS INSMTTE, Shigeru Miyagawa, Cedric Boeckx, Ken Hiraiwa +38 others

Given a constraint set with k constraints in the framework of Optimality Theory (OT), what is its capacity as a classification scheme for linguistic data? One useful measure of this capacity is the size of the largest data set of which each subset is consistent with a different grammar hypothesis. This measure is known as the Vapnik-Chervonenkis dimension… (More)

- Max Bane, Jason Riggle
- 2010

A common 'typological criterion' on linguistic models is that they should predict (almost) all observed patterns while minimizing overgeneration. For optimization-based models, it has been argued that constraints should be ranked rather than weighted to minimize overgeneration. Recently, however, weighting has been shown to elegantly capture patterns that… (More)

- Max Bane, Jason Riggle, Morgan Sonderegger
- 2009

We analyze the complexity of Harmonic Grammar (HG), a linguistic model in which licit underlying-to-surface-form mappings are determined by optimization over weighted constraints. We show that the Vapnik-Chervonenkis Dimension of HG grammars with k constraints is k − 1. This establishes a fundamental bound on the complexity of HG in terms of its capacity to… (More)

- Jason Riggle
- 2009

In Optimality Theory, a contender is a candidate that is optimal under some ranking of the constraints. When the candidate generating function Gen and all of the constraints are rational (i.e., representable with (weighted) finite state automata) it is possible to generate the entire set of contenders for a given input form in much the same way that optima… (More)

- Max Bane, Jason Riggle
- 2008

We examine the typology of quantity-insensitive (QI) stress systems and ask to what extent an existing optimality theoretic model of QI stress can predict the observed typolog-ical frequencies of stress patterns. We find three significant correlates of pattern attesta-tion and frequency: the trigram entropy of a pattern, the degree to which it is "… (More)

- Edward P. Stabler, Travis C. Collier, Gregory M. Kobele, Yoosook Lee, Ying Lin, Jason Riggle +2 others
- ECAL
- 2003

This paper describes a framework for studies of the adaptive acquisition and evolution of language, with the following components: language learning begins by associating words with cognitively salient representations (" grounding "); the sentences of each language are determined by properties of lexical items, and so only these need to be transmitted by… (More)