Helen Majewski

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Readers' eye movements were monitored as they read sentences containing noun-noun compounds that varied in frequency (e.g., elevator mechanic, mountain lion). The left constituent of the compound was either plausible or implausible as a head noun at the point at which it appeared, whereas the compound as a whole was always plausible. When the head noun(More)
  • Christopher Potts Umass, Amherst, Judith Aissen, Luis Alonso-Ovalle, Jan Anderssen, Ash Asudeh +15 others
  • 2004
1 Direct compositionality beyond the sentence level This paper is geared towards compiling and motivating the objects and principles we need for a semantic analysis of subclausal quotations like (1), in which the quoted expressions pick out linguistic objects but also have the usual semantics of their quotation-free counterparts (here, apricot). (1) a. When(More)
  • Christopher Potts, Ash Asudeh, James Isaacs, Bill Ladusaw, Line Mikkelsen, Geoff Pullum +9 others
  • 2005
The history of conventional implicatures is rocky, their current status uncertain. It seems wise to return to their source and start fresh, with an open-minded reading of the original definition (Grice, 1975) and an eye open for novel support. Suppose the textbook examples (therefore, even, but and synonyms) disappeared. Where would conventional(More)
An eye movement study of temporarily ambiguous closure sentences confirmed that the early closure penalty in a sentence like While John hunted the frightened deer escaped is larger for a simple past verb (hunted) than for a past progressive verb (was hunting). The results can be explained by the observation that simple past tense verbs convey an external(More)
  • Judith Aissen, Luis Alonso-Ovalle, Jan Anderssen, Ash Asudeh, Kent Bach, Chris Barker +13 others
  • 2004
This paper is geared towards compiling and motivating the objects and principles we need for a semantic analysis of subclausal quotations such as (1), in which the quoted expressions pick out linguistic objects but also have the usual semantics of their quotation-free counterparts (here, apricot). (1) (a) When in Santa Cruz, Peter orders " [eI]pricots " at(More)
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