Giorgio Magri

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According to the OT error-driven ranking model of language acquisition, the learner performs a sequence of slight re-rankings triggered by mistakes on the incoming stream of data, until it converges to a ranking that makes no more mistakes. This learning model is very popular in the OT acquisition literature, in particular because it predicts a sequence of(More)
In child phonology marked structures are frequently acquired first in relatively unmarked contexts. Four examples of this can be observed in the acquisition of Dutch syllable structure as reported by Levelt et al. (2000), a representative example of which is given in (1): onsetless syllables must initally be open (stage 3), as must syllables with complex(More)
The OT error-driven learner is known to admit guarantees of efficiency, stochastic tolerance and noise robustness which hold independently of any substantive assumptions on the constraints. This paper shows that the HG learner instead does not admit such constraint-independent guarantees. The HG theory of error-driven learning thus needs to be substantially(More)
This paper presents a new theory of presupposition projection similar to the strong Kleene (1952) trivalent logic. The primary merits of the present theory are its unique and fine-grained predictions regarding the presuppositions associated with quantified sentences, and its predictiveness; the issue of overgeneration discussed by Soames (1989) and Heim(More)
This paper presents an architecture for evaluating presuppositional expressions that predicts the projection behavior of functions from their (bivalent) truth-conditional contributions. The resulting system demonstrates how a static, trivalent account can compete with other alternatives to address certain theoretical complaints raised against older(More)
In Magri 2009a, I argue that a sentence such as #Some Italians come from a warm country sounds odd because it triggers the scalar implicature that not all Italians come from a warm country, which mismatches with the piece of common knowledge that all Italians come from the same country. If this proposal is on the right track, then oddness can be used as a(More)
The peculiar property of Optimality Theory (OT) is that it uses constraint ranking and thus enforces strict domination, according to which the highest ranked relevant constraint “takes it all”; see Prince & Smolensky (2004). Because of this property, OT looks prima facie like an exotic combinatorial framework. Exotic in the sense that it does not seem to(More)
This paper presents experimental results showing that four-year-old Mandarinspeaking children draw free choice inferences from disjunctive statements, though they are not able to compute inferences of exclusivity for disjunctive statements or other scalar implicatures. The findings connect to those of Chemla & Bott (under review) who report differences in(More)