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Stability of tonal alignment: the case of Greek prenuclear accents
Abstract Greek prenuclear accents show a sharp rise that starts near the onset of the accented syllable and peaks on the following unaccented syllable (if there is one). We have presented elsewhere
Constant "segmental anchoring" of F0 movements under changes in speech rate.
The finding that both the beginning and the end of a rising pitch accent are anchored to specific points in segmental structure supports a model in which pitch accents consist of "tonal targets," and in which the alignment and F0 level of tonal targets are what determine a pitch accent's shape.
Declination ‘‘reset’’ and the hierarchical organization of utterances
Sequences of accented fundamental frequency (F0) peaks (‘‘toplines’’) were measured for sentences of the form A and B but C and A but B and C, where A, B, and C are separate main clauses with three
The perception of intonational emphasis: continuous or categorical?
Abstract A series of experiments was carried out to test the idea that there is a categorical difference between “normal” and “emphatic” accent peaks in English, rather than a continuum of gradually
Phonological conditioning of peak alignment in rising pitch accents in Dutch.
There is an alignment difference despite a lack of durational difference, which supports the structure-based account, and the effect is reduced compared to experiment 1, showing that time pressure may work against the ideal alignment.
The Structure of Intonational Meaning: Evidence from English
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On the place of phrase accents in intonational phonology
Bolinger distinguished ‘accent’ from ‘intonation’: ACCENT referred to the distinctive pitch shapes that accompany prominent stressed syllables (now generally known, following Bolinger, as pitch accents), while INTONATION included, among other things, distinctive pitch movements at the ends of contours.