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On the locality of left branch extraction and the structure of NP
The impossibility of LBE of AP in the presence of another AP in languages that in principle allow such extraction is argued to provide evidence that adjectives are located in multiple specifiers of the same head.
On the Locality and Motivation of Move and Agree: An Even More Minimal Theory
The article proposes a new theory of successive-cyclic movement that reconciles the early and the current minimalist approaches to it, and resolves a lookahead problem that arises under the EPP-driven movement approach.
The Syntax of Nonfinite Complementation: An Economy Approach
In The Syntax of Nonfinite Complementation: An Economy Approach, the author completes two major research projects that solidify the foundation of the Minimalist Program: the elimination of c-selection and government and investigates in detail the nature of the Economy Principles in syntax.
On the Nature of the Syntax-Phonology Interface: Cliticization and Related Phenomena
This volume discusses approaches to second position cliticization in Serbo-Croatian with a focus on phonology/syntax mixmatch and the V-2 effect in Germanic Bulgarian and Macedonian Clitics.
Unifying first and last conjunct agreement
The paper gives a uniform account of first and last conjunct agreement in Serbo-Croatian based on the operation Agree, differing in these respects from Chomsky (2000, 2001a) and Pesetsky and Torrego (2007).
On Multiple Wh -Fronting
I show that multiple wh-fronting languages (MWFL) do not behave uniformly regarding wh-movement and eliminate MWFL from the crosslinguistic typology concerning wh-movement in multiple questions.
Now I’m a Phase, Now I’m Not a Phase: On the Variability of Phases with Extraction and Ellipsis
On the basis of a number of cases where the status of X with respect to phasehood changes depending on the syntactic context in which X occurs, I argue for a contextual approach to phasehood whereby
A–movement and the EPP
It is shown that in a number of constructions the EPP does not hold at all, and the requirement of successive cyclicity should not be tied to a property of intermediate heads, as in the feature–checking/filled–specifier requirement approach to successive Cyclicity, but to aproperty of the movement itself.
On NPs and Clauses
The copy theory of movement: A view from PF
The crux of the analysis is that indicatives cannot co-occur with negation in English because the co- Occurrence results in a violation of the Stranded Affix Filter.